News 2005

 

Why Kibaki must respect courts

DAILY NATION
Story by AMBROSE MURUNGA
Publication Date: 10/29/2005

I half-expected the Attorney General to come out and reassure the country that President Kibaki did not deliberately flout the law last week.

It was reported that the High Court had given orders restraining the Government from issuing title deeds for some property in the Rift Valley. The following day, the President presided over a function where he handed over the titles in dispute. I wanted to be comforted that the circumstances were misreported and that the President had not acted in contempt of the court. 

But if the position as reported is correct, then the President’s advisors have failed him and exposed the country to a dangerous precedent. This is not the fist time the Narc Government has overridden court orders. But it is the first time it has been overtly done by the President.

I doubt he was unaware of the existence of the court order. As the custodian of the Constitution, his was a cynical and costly error in judgement.

At this point, it is immaterial whether or not the court order was directed at the President. The presidency should be above legal brinkmanship.

When Bill Clinton went before the cameras and rasped, "I did not have any sexual relationship with that woman", he reckoned he was being technically correct; and clever.

And after it was proved that his illicit scrotal engagements often ended with what my law instructor persistently referred to as "emission of seed", Clinton tartly explained that cunnilingus does not amount to sex. 

Whilst some head of states’ indiscretions and excesses may not exactly pass the scrutiny of a judicial process, it is by the less-technically-savvy court of public opinion that his performance is judged.

When I see Minister Raphael Tuju forcefully repossessing the KICC in direct breach of court orders, I am tempted to dismiss his as an isolated act of a rookie eager to make his bones.

But when Ministers Musikari Kombo and Najib Balala follow suit, while Minister Amos Kamunya goes further to exhort squatters to defy the courts, I begin to see a disturbing pattern.

At the back of it all, I nurse the hope that in the privacy of their meetings, the President gives his ministers an earful for disrespecting the Judiciary. That is why I get alarmed when it is reported that the President publicly performed an exercise expressly outlawed, albeit temporarily, by the courts. The President knows that, a government that is perceived to disregard the processes it is sworn to protect erodes its legitimacy. Neither the President nor his ministers are in office by conquest, or by divine diktat. They are in office by law.

The understanding between a democratic government and its electors is that both sides must observe a pre-agreed code of conduct: The law.

The law regulates the way we relate and it does not matter how distressed by the law one may feel. Or how powerful one is. The governed obey the law because they discern the benefits derived from doing so, and not because they would be punished if they did not.

And it is this rule of law, and not his security detail, that protects a president from threats to his presidency. It is, therefore, a tad reckless for an incumbent to be seen to undermine the same laws.

The danger here is that, now that it has happened, repeat performances get easier each time. 

One remembers Czar Nicholas II at the turn of last century. Russians were getting more enlightened, yet the Czar continued to run the affairs of the state without taking due cognisance of the changing times.

He declared war on Japan against wise counsel and was thoroughly vanquished at the battle of Tsushima. Russia lost 10,774 men against Japan’s 707.

Back home, he gave imperial decrees arbitrarily and rubbished the courts. His ministers, too, regularly carried on with officious arrogance and referred to the law only when it suited their pursuits.

And the Czarina was not performing any better. She shacked up at the palace with a monk called Rasputin who was reputed to provide more than spiritual companionship to Her Highness.

The mounting public discontent and increasing scandals in high places accelerated the anarchy that was the Russian revolution.

By the time the Czar lost his head and throne, the state of lawlessness in the country had reached what law-enforcers call chaotic levels. That is the point when most officers take off.

Similarly, by allowing our President and his ministers to flout court orders with abandon, we run the risk of undermining the Judiciary and the rule of law in the country.

Apart from encouraging official anarchy, such continued defiance of courts by the Government before a perceptive public means that the Chief Justice can kiss the credibility of his courts goodbye.

The courts are likely to be viewed by groups with access to executive privilege, read the President, as a necessary nuisance; to be tolerated at times but ignored when their orders threaten the group’s interests.

I do not see the Commissioner of Police, a political appointee with no security of tenure, moving in to enforce court orders on his superiors when they defy the law. 

The powers and privileges of Kenya’s presidency dictate that the incumbent’s public transactions should be beyond reproach.

I not only expect my President to show humility, even before the lowest court in the land, but also to avoid any controversy that would be seen as demeaning the excellence of his office.

And if, for arguments sake, it was necessary to override the law, then was this not the one time the President’s iconic delegating management style would have sufficed without losing out on any political mileage – real or imagined?

Apart from inviting unnecessary censure, tactically, the President left himself no escape hatch here.

Or may be I have no reason to fear and someone was just about to offer an explanation for His Excellency’s action. The AG? The Spokesman? Anyone?

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